Wednesday, February 8, 2012
EXILED - ROBBED BY THE POLICE -. HAITI ? NO - IN MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA
Tuesday, February 7, 2012
A MESSAGE TO THE PEOPLE OF CHINA FROM CANADA
Imazalil
Suspected carcinogen and neurotoxicant
Sodium O-Phenylphenate
Known carcinogen.
Thiabendazole
Suspected carcinogen, neurotoxicant, immunotoxicant, developmental toxicant, skin or sense organ toxicant.
http://www.myessentia.com/blog/blog/2011/06/26/cancer-covered-sunkist-oranges-at-costco
Monday, February 6, 2012
IN MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA, CRIME IS IN NOBODY'S JURISDICTION
WHAT CAN WE EXPECT FROM THE NDP ? HERE IS WHAT ISABELLE MORIN SAYS
Envoyé : 31 décembre 2011 08:18
À : Morin, Isabelle - Députée
In my opinion, it was a mistake to try to imitate the calendars sent out for years by Marlene Jennings. You probably regard the effort as a friendly gesture, and for that, I thank you. But as one who has been on the political scene for decades, I see this as an example, not of economy - but of inferiority.
I can see no reason why I should support you or the NDP. Can you ?
Notre-Dame-de-Grâce-Lachine
De : Carter
Envoyé : 11 janvier 2012 17:27
À : Morin, Isabelle - Députée
PHYLLIS CARTER'S JOURNAL - http://phylliscartersjournal.blogspot.com.
De : Carter
Envoyé : 26 janvier 2012 14:51
À : Morin, Isabelle - Députée
When Dawn finally returned the things she didn't want in Mid-March, 1997, I found my inventories and documents among the boxes but all my most precious valuables were gone. She returned cases full of EMPTY little jewellery boxes.
In a message dated 26/01/2012 12:21:37 P.M. Eastern Standard Time,
Notre-Dame-de-Grâce-Lachine
De : Carter
Envoyé : 19 janvier 2012 12:48
À : Morin, Isabelle - Députée
Hello Isabelle,
Although I imagine my answer to be somewhat disappointing, I hope that the information I give you can lead you to some answer. By no means do I not care for your case, I just have to respect the order of our system. Please, keep me inform of your situation.
Notre-Dame-de-Grâce-Lachine
Time,
Mme Isabelle Morin, députée/MP
Notre-Dame-de-Grâce-Lachine
Sunday, February 5, 2012
SAVAGERY, MASSACRES IN SOUTH SUDAN - THIS IS CALLED "INDEPENDENCE"
A family with a wounded boy waited at a United Nations camp to be evacuated for further treatment.
By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN
Published: January 12, 2012
PIBOR, South Sudan — The trail of corpses begins about 300 yards from the corrugated metal gate of the United Nations compound and stretches for miles into the bush.
Multimedia
The New York Times
Bitter ethnic tensions have exploded across South Sudan, resulting in a cycle of massacre and revenge.
Sven Torfinn for The New York Times
The body of a man killed in a raid by Nuer fighters in Pibor. The number of dead is far from clear. "There are bodies everywhere," a United Nations official said.
There is an old man on his back, a young woman with her legs splayed and skirt bunched up around her hips, and a whole family — man, woman, two children — all facedown in the swamp grass, executed together. How many hundreds are scattered across the savannah, nobody really knows.
South Sudan, born six months ago in great jubilation, is plunging into a vortex of violence. Bitter ethnic tensions that had largely been shelved for the sake of achieving independence have ruptured into a cycle of massacre and revenge that neither the American-backed government nor the United Nations has been able to stop.
The United States and other Western countries have invested billions of dollars in South Sudan, hoping it will overcome its deeply etched history of poverty, violence and ethnic fault lines to emerge as a stable, Western-friendly nation in a volatile region. Instead, heavily armed militias the size of small armies are now marching on villages and towns with impunity, sometimes with blatantly genocidal intent.
Eight thousand fighters just besieged this small town in the middle of a vast expanse, razing huts, burning granaries, stealing tens of thousands of cows and methodically killing hundreds, possibly thousands, of men, women and children hiding in the bush.
The raiders had even broadcast their massacre plans.
"We have decided to invade Murleland and wipe out the entire Murle tribe on the face of the earth," the attackers, from a rival ethnic group, the Nuer, warned in a public statement.
The United Nations, which has 3,000 combat-ready peacekeepers in South Sudan, tracked the advancing fighters from helicopters for days before the massacre and rushed in about 400 soldiers. But the peacekeepers did not fire a single shot, saying they were greatly outnumbered and could have easily been massacred themselves.
The attack was presaged by a fund-raising drive for the Nuer militia in the United States — a troubling sign that behind the raiders toting Kalashnikovs and singing war songs was an active back office half a world away. Gai Bol Thong, a Nuer refugee in Seattle who helped write the militia's statement, said he had led an effort to cobble together about $45,000 from South Sudanese living abroad for the warriors' food and medicine.
"We mean what we say," he said in an interview. "We kill everybody. We are tired of them." (He later scaled back and said he meant they would kill Murle warriors, not civilians.)
Such ethnic clashes were unnervingly common here in 2009, before the final push for independence. More ominous than the small-scale cattle raids that have gone on for generations, the attacks often seemed like infantry maneuvers, fueling accusations that northern Sudanese leaders had shipped in arms to destabilize the south.
But southerners seemed to rally together as the historic referendum on independence from the north drew near. The exuberance brought reconciliation. Major ethnic clashes all but disappeared.
The respite was short lived. Fighting broke out almost immediately along the border between north and south. Then, only a month after South Sudan celebrated its independence last July with a new national anthem and a countdown clock that blared "Free at Last," Murle fighters killed more than 600 Nuer villagers and abducted scores of children. That attack set this month's massacre into motion.
The makeshift medical clinic here in Pibor now stinks of decaying flesh. It is full of Murle children with bullet holes drilled through their limbs. Many have trudged for days to get here, through swamps and murky rivers, and their wounds are suppurating and gangrenous. The doctors take one look and whisper the word: amputation.
South Sudan's government has been extremely reluctant to wade into these feuds, because the government itself is a loosely woven tapestry of rival ethnic groups that fought bitterly during Sudan's long civil war. The Nuer are a crucial piece of the governing coalition, and the Lou Nuer, the subgroup that led the raid on Pibor, supply thousands of soldiers to South Sudan's army.
"Nuer fighting Nuer?" said a Western diplomat in South Sudan, considering the complications of a military intervention to stop the massacre. "That would be explosive."
The government has tried to broker peace talks between the Lou Nuer and the Murle, but the negotiations broke down in early December, when the Murle refused to give back abducted children. Nuer leaders then reconstituted the White Army, a fearsome force of Nuer youths that massacred thousands during the 1990s. "We had been begging the government to protect us from the Murle, and they didn't," said Mr. Thong, the Nuer organizer in Seattle. The decision was then simple, he said: "to make revenge."
The government said it was planning a major disarmament campaign for the area, once the rains stopped. Until then, "there's no justification for anyone to take the law into their own hands," said South Sudan's military spokesman, Col. Philip Aguer.
As thousands of Nuer fighters poured into Pibor on Dec. 31, United Nations military observers watched them burn down Murle huts and then march off, in single file lines, into the bush, where many Murle civilians were hiding. Murle leaders have complained that they were abandoned in their hour of need. Neither government forces nor the United Nations peacekeepers left their posts in Pibor to protect the civilians who had fled, and it appears that many Murle were hunted down.
Hilde F. Johnson, head of the United Nations mission in South Sudan, said the peacekeepers had warned residents that the fighters were coming. But she argued that the United Nations troops had little choice but to stay on the sidelines. "Protection of civilians in the rural areas and at larger scale would only have been possible with significantly more military capacity," she said.
The rampage continued until Jan. 3, but the number of dead is far from clear. Joshua Konyi, Pibor's county commissioner and a Murle, said more than 3,000 had died. Several United Nations officials said they doubted that the numbers were that high because so many people had fled Pibor before the attack, but they agreed that scores, if not hundreds, were killed.
"There are bodies everywhere," said one United Nations official who was not allowed to speak publicly. "It's a big area, so I wouldn't be surprised by 1,000."
Many survivors spoke of seeing dozens killed in front of their eyes. One spindly Murle woman named Ngadok was shot in the leg as she fled with her 6-year-old son cinched to her back. After she fell, she said, the Nuer raiders stood over her and executed her boy.
"I'm not thinking about anything now," she said, staring blankly at the white canvas walls of the makeshift medical clinic. "My child is dead."
Murle fighters are regrouping and have already hit several villages, killing dozens. And it may not be purely about revenge. The Murle survive off cows, and Mr. Konyi said the community had lost more than 300,000.
A helicopter flies low over the savannah, about 20 miles north of Pibor, and the emerald green grass suddenly turns white, brown and black. Down below are cows, thousands and thousands of them, a huge mass of animals as far as the eye can see. These are the Murle cattle, driven by thin young men who look up quizzically at the helicopter, slowly making their way back to Nuerland.
Saturday, February 4, 2012
WHO STOLE MY MOTHER'S MONEY AND SET THESE TERRIBLE CRIMES IN MOTION?
CANADIAN NAZIS - EXPOSE THE DEEDS OF DARKNESS
Names leaked by computer hackers in Europe
CBC News
Posted: Feb 2, 2012 Last Updated: Feb 3, 2012

Some Canadians whose associations with white supremacist and neo-Nazi groups were recently revealed, are defending their involvement with the organizations, while others deny having anything to do with the groups anymore.
CBC News reported Wednesday that the names of 74 Canadians were found in files leaked by computer hackers in Europe who were intent on exposing hate movements. The identities were revealed on a website called Nazi Leaks, which is now offline.
"It is an invasion of privacy," said Joel Henry, of Langley, B.C., in a telephone interview with CBC News Thursday.
"I have my beliefs and I still have my beliefs," said Henry. "It's just certain members of the group want to go out and beat the s--t out of people and I don't condone that."
"I could be on the list because I bought a couple T-shirts off that website a couple of years ago," said Welsh, when reached via Skype. "For instance, the shirt I'm wearing right now."
Welsh said he has severed his ties with the group.
"I joined the Stormfront once and it just didn't appeal to me," said Welsh. "Because as soon as you say you're proud to be white, you're automatically associated with a Nazi party."
Membership not illegal
New Westminster police detective Terry Wilson, head of the B.C. hate crime team, said he and his colleagues aren't sure if the hacked information is useful for their purposes or not.

Wilson also cautioned that the RCMP is not trying to police how people think, but will step in once individuals' actions break the law.
"Membership [in these groups] is not against the law," he said. "It's when your motivations make you do criminal offences, that's when it becomes a police issue and that's when the B.C. hate crime team and other hate crime teams across the country get involved."
Police and government security organizations should be able to make use of the hacked information, according to Simon Fraser University professor Andre Gerolymatos, who has written extensively on espionage.
"Any information is good information," said Gerolymatos. "Something that comes like this is sort of a small bonanza. And at the very least it can verify information that [authorities] already have."
With files from the CBC's Natalie Clancy